The men and women behind the President (fwd)

["M.G.G. Pillai" <pillai@mgg.pc.my>]

---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: 29 Feb 2000 07:39:13
From: tapol@gn.apc.org
Reply-To: "Conference act.indonesia" <indonesia-act@igc.org>
To: Recipients of indonesia-act <indonesia-act@igc.org>
Subject: The men and women behind the President

From: TAPOL <tapol@gn.apc.org>
Subject: The men and women behind the President

Received from Joyo Indonesian News

also: [Gatra] A Warning From Langitan on Ibu Ratih

Jakarta Post
February 29, 2000

The men and women behind the President

By Kornelius Purba 

JAKARTA (JP): By all accounts Abdurrahman Wahid is no ordinary man. And he is 
also a president elected under extraordinary circumstances. 

This unique leader often discards traditional channels of information, 
sometimes leaving the public wondering about policies or statements around 
the bend. 

Having been jolted several times by statements from President Abdurrahman, it 
was no surprise that legislators jumped on his closest assistants to try and 
breakdown the decision making blackbox during a hearing here recently. 

"It's not important who whispered to him. Look at the outcome of his 
statements. By exaggerating the role of the 'whisperers', you are 
underestimating the President," Cabinet Secretary Marsilam Simanjuntak said 
during the hearing with the House of Representatives's Commission I. 

The commission members, overseeing defense and security affairs, foreign 
affairs, and legal affairs, grilled the four presidential secretaries -- 
Marsilam, Military Secretary Rear Marshal Budhy Santoso, Presidential 
Secretary Ratih Hardjono and Secretary for Government Supervision and State 
Secretary Bondan Gunawan. 

They particularly focused on where the president gets information, 
occasionally leading him to make controversial statements, particularly 
during his 16-day trip overseas. 

Legislators were also desperate to expose the crux which lead Abdurrahman to 
drastically reverse his decision on Gen. Wiranto in a matter of hours. 

"There are no specific whisperers around the President," Budhy said. The 
Military Secretary was the only one of the four secretaries to travel with 
the President during the overseas trip. 

While hopping from country to country, it was evident that Abdurrahman was 
abreast of developments at home. 

On board the Garuda 330-300 he received minute by minute reports on events in 
Indonesia. 

Two officers from the Military Strategic Intelligence Agency (BAIS) operated 
a fax machine at the rear of the plane. Garuda also provided a special secure 
line for the President to make inflight telephone calls. 

Brig. Gen. Soenardi, a BAIS director, was also included in the President's 
entourage. The experienced Soenardi also served and traveled with former 
presidents Soeharto and B.J. Habibie. 

A Navy intelligence officer by the name of Lt. Col. Djuanda was also included 
in the entourage. 

Sources cite that Djuanda is a trustee of Army Chief of Staff Gen. Tyasno 
Sudarto, who was also former BAIS chief, and on good terms with former chief 
of the Army Strategic Reserves Command (Kostrad) Lt. Gen. (ret) Prabowo. 

Prabowo, son-in-law of Soeharto, was seen at the Marriot Hotel in Zurich on 
March 31 where the president was staying during his stop in Switzerland. 
However, a palace official disclosed that it was Indonesian Military (TNI) 
Chief Adm. Widodo A.S. who assigned Djuanda for the trip. 

Wahyu Maryadi, head of Palace Protocol Affairs, is one of President 
Abdurrahman's favorite aides to read press reports or letters to him. Wahyu 
usually reads front page cover stories or other interesting articles. 

Foreign Minister Alwi Shihab and the President's second daughter Zannuba 
Arifah 'Yenny' Chafsoh Rahman are two others who are close and recite to him 
the daily news. 

Yenny's role in particular has come under public scrutiny. She was an almost 
permanent fixture as she physically guided the president during meetings with 
world leaders including U.S. President Bill Clinton, Chinese President Jiang 
Zemin, British Prime Minister Tony Blair, and Pope John Paul II. 

"Why is she (Yenny) always present at meetings where confidential matters may 
be discussed?" Commission I chairman Yasril Ananta Baharuddin said recently. 

During the hearing Yasril even alleged that it was Yenny who erroneously 
informed her father of a supposed meeting of generals at Jl. Lautze, Central 
Jakarta, during the president's absence. 

Abdurrahman has since denied the allegations. 

Yenny said recently that she has to escort and guide her father because 
Abdurrahman feels much more comfortable with her. 

She said she not only escorts him to meet world leaders but also to the 
bathroom. 

"My daughter told me that the bathroom in my hotel is very big," Abdurrahman 
joked about the toilet at his suite at Landmark Hotel in London. 

Abdurrahman for some years had a male assistant named Al Zastrouw Ng to guide 
him through his daily chores prior to becoming President. But he is no longer 
active since Ratih began to assume the role of President Abdurrahman's 
assistant last year. 

Sideline 

One very significant development since Abdurrahman's ascendance was the 
erosion of power of the State Secretariat's office from the decision making 
process. 

Under Soeharto's rule the state secretary was considered by many as assuming 
the role of prime minister. It, in effect, handled nearly all state affairs, 
from the promotion of state owned companies to the defense of Soeharto's 
children. 

As Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) chairman, Abdurrahman often felt the sting of the 
state secretariat. 

He recently disclosed how some Palace officials would siphon a large chunk of 
Soeharto's financial assistance for NU. 

Abdurrahman also remarked that he was sick of how the state secretariat 
isolated and filtered access to the president by monopolizing Palace 
protocol. 

Wahyu admitted that one of the primary reasons for his appointment was that 
he was unaccustomed and therefore uncorrupted with the "traditional" ways of 
the palace. 

"His only reason to pick me as protocol chief is the fact that I know nothing 
about protocol," Wahyu remarked adding that he has vowed to keep the 
atmosphere at the Palace more relaxed. 

To handle various state issues, Abdurrahman initially relied on Ratih 
Hardjono who for the past year had worked as his personal assistant. 

But she has also come under tremendous scrutiny. 

Ratih's installation ceremony was the subject of much speculation as it was 
held just three-hours after the President returned from an overseas trip in 
November. 

Sources said First Lady Sinta Nuriyah refused to attend the ceremony, maybe 
due to fatigue. 

In his decree No. 141, issued on Nov. 22, the President stipulated that 
Ratih's duties include preparing state functions led by or attended by the 
President and Vice President, domestic and overseas tours by the President. 
She is also charged with press affairs, administrative matters, and the 
handling of about 500 civil servants working for the presidential household 
chief and maintenance of the presidential palaces. 

The administrative matters initially included the selection of incoming 
letters to the President, along with drafting President's decisions, decrees, 
and instructions. 

Ratih also lists the daily guests for President Abdurrahman. 

During the tenure of Soeharto and Habibie, the list of visitors were usually 
screened by a presidential adjutant with a rank of colonel. 

But in December, Ratih was allegedly embroiled in a controversy over the 
issuing of a decree which gave State Minister of Investment and State 
Enterprises Laksamana Sukardi responsibility to supervise state-owned 
companies and banks. 

Minister of Finance Bambang Sudibyo, initially charged with those 
responsibilities, was fuming when he discovered the snafu. 

Just five days later Abdurrahman had to sign Government Regulation No. 98 to 
replace regulation No. 6 in order to return the authority of such matters to 
the minister of finance. 

Then State Secretary Ali Rahman openly pointed the finger at Ratih saying the 
matter was processed by Ratih's office. Ali himself has since resigned after 
seeing the powers of his office eroded. 

The new year ushered in the introduction of Marsilam Simanjuntak and Bondan 
Gunawan as two individuals who will have high visibility in the policy 
decision making process. 

Both have been friends with President Abdurrahman for a number of years. 

As Cabinet secretary Marsilam, 59, is tasked with formulating Cabinet 
policies, keep regular contacts between the President and his 35 ministers 
and follow up results of Cabinet meetings. 

Bondan, 52 supervises the implementation of government policies and provides 
all necessary inputs. 

Now that he has assumed the post of State Secretary left by Ali Rahman, there 
is strong speculation that Bondan's duties as secretary for government 
supervision will be given to economist Faisal Basri. 

The role of Military Secretary has been held by Budhy Santoso since 1998. His 
main duty is to act as a kind of liaison between the President and the 
Indonesian Military (TNI) headquarters. 
 
-----------------

[note: the lousy English translation of article below was provided by the 
Indonesian magazine Gatra. For those willing to slog through it there are 
some nuggets. At one point Bob Hasan owned Gatra, but Joyo is not sure if he 
still does]

GATRA Indonesian Weekly Newsmagazine
February 19, 2000 

A Warning From Langitan

Clerics from Langitan urged Gus Dur to replace the Presidential Secretary. 
Ratih’s position is getting increasingly squeezed. Pointing fingers at her 
that she is commissioned as a foreign special agent and the cause of extreme 
temperature at the State Secretary.

There seems to be no activities at the Pesantren (Islamic Boarding School) 
Al-Munawwir in Krapyak, Yogyakarta. No special security protection by the 
santri (student at traditional Muslim school) honor guard when the school 
received important guests. The usual "Welcome" banner was missing, as also 
with lines of cars or posters. Everything went on as usual. Five thousands 
santri carried out their routine work: studying. Whereas on Tuesday last 
week, noted ulemas of the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), popularly called "Kiai 
Langitan" held a very important meeting.

The trustee of the Islamic boarding school, KH Zaenal Abidin has successfully 
kept the confidentiality of the forum. Not only the santris, even the media 
failed to detect the meeting. As with the previous kiai Langitan meeting, the 
meeting this time was also kept closed.

Special attending ulemas included, among others, KH Abdullah Faqih (Langitan, 
Tuban), KH Muchith Muzadi (Jember), and Rais Am (general manager) of NU KH 
Sahal Mahfudz (Pati). Also attending KH Abdullah Abbas from Pesantren Bantet, 
Cirebon, and Ilyas Ruchiyat, Ajengan (community leader) of Tasikmalaya. The 
Bisri brothers: Cholil Bisri and Mustofa Bisri were absent.

The meeting which started at 10.00 am proceeded for almost three hours. An 
executive of Rabithah Mahad al-Islami (RMI) - Islamic boarding house 
organization under the auspices of NU - attending the meeting said that one 
of the main theme being discussed concerned the beautiful 40-year-old Ratih 
Hardjono, who recently always near President KH Abdurrahman Wahid. "They 
demanded the replacement of Ratih," he told Mujib Rahman of GATRA in Surabaya.

Actually this was not for the first time an issue regarding Ratih is brought 
to the surface. During the NU Congress in Lirboyo, Kediri of last November, 
the same issue also discussed, although still in an informal discussion. Even 
according to the same source, on November 21 the previous year, KH Abdullah 
Faqih has forwarded the objection to Gus Dur.

Gus Dur, however, has his own consideration. This could be seen that on the 
following day the graduate of humanitarianism at the Sydney University 
received a presidential decree for her assignment as Secretary to the 
President and classified as a senior government official of Echelon I/A.

With Ratih’s presence, the ulemas started complaining that they are no longer 
free to meet Gus Dur. The NU ulemas who wished to meet Gus Dur at the palace 
felt that they were being obstructed by Ratih. "This treatment is frequently 
felt by KH Sahal, KH Faqih, and KH Mustofa Bisri," said a GATRA source at the 
RMI. The ulemas were under the impressions that Ratih was trying to isolate 
Gus Dur from the NU ulemas. "She just can’t treat the NU ulemas the same as 
with any other people," said Effendi Choirie, a member of Commission I of the 
National Awakening Party.

Objections from the NU community was said to have the support of the First 
Lady, Sinta Nuriyah. "Ibu is not very pleased with Ratih," said a source at 
the palace. When Ratih was sworn in as Secretary to the President, Sinta 
Nuriyah was absent. Ratih was also not invited along in the president trip to 
13 countries from January 28 to February 13, 2000. 

If the kiai Langitan had truly urged Gus Dur to immediately replace Ratih, 
then the author of Suku Putihnya Asia (Asia’s White Tribes) is clearly in a 
very precarious position. Kiai Langitan was among those community which Gus 
Dur fully trusted. Their suggestions were always very effective.

In May 11, 1998, for example, the NU ulemas gathered in Pondok Pesantren 
Langitan, Tuban, East Java, a school known for its tasawuf (mysticism) 
teaching. That was at the time when the Islamic scholars agreed that for the 
benefit of the nation, President Soeharto should resign. It took only ten 
days, on May 21, 1998, that Pak Harto really step down.

When the mass killing of alleged sorcerers were rampant in Banyuwangi and 
other cities in East Java, at end of last year, again the NU ulemas gathered 
in Langitan. They appealed that the killing spree should be immediately 
ended. The "Fatwa (binding rules) Langitan" proofed effective, the killing 
stopped.

With the strong influence wields by the Langitan scholars that prior to the 
election of president at the General Session of the People’s Consultative 
Assembly of last October, it was no wonder that several leaders of the 
"central axis" such as Amien Rais, Nur Mahmudi Ismail, and Fuad Bawazier, 
made their frequent visits to the charismatic scholars. They request 
permission that Gus Dur be allowed to bid for the presidency. At first the 
Langitan scholars objected. The blessing was finally given on the last 
minutes before the presidential election, and it was a fact that Gus Dur won.

KH Mustofa Bisri admitted that there was a certain aversion within the NU 
community in the way Ratih runs her job. However, for KH Mustofa Bisri, this 
is merely a matter of communication gap. "The scholars are yet to attune to 
Ratih’s language. Reciprocally, Ratih is also yet to learn the NU language," 
said the scholar, poet popularly called Gus Mus when contacted over the phone 
by GATRA on Friday last week.

For example, when certain scholar arrived from afar to meet Gus Dur, Ratih  
promptly said: "No way, Gus Dur has a very tight schedule." Whereas, said Gus 
Mus, the scholar would only want to say hello to Gus Dur. According to Gus 
Mus, by using the NU language, the rejection would be regarded as more 
refined. "Sorry, Pak Kiai, President Gus Dur has a very tight schedule. But 
can I be of assistance? I will pass this on to the president."

Not only the NU scholars who have problems in trying to see Gus Dur, as 
experienced by Amien Rais, the People’s Consultative Assembly Spokesman. He 
felt he was deliberately made difficult to meet Gus Dur. "Well, Pak Amien, 
Gus Dur has a very tight schedule until next week. No time available yet for 
Pak Amien," said Amien Rais, citing comments from the presidential staff.

Whereas when Amien tried to contact Yenni, Gus Dur’s daughter, he was 
welcomed any time. "I think, someone was trying to block my path to Gus Dur," 
said Amien Rais. Would he mean to say Ratih? "I will let you know names in 
one of these days," Amien quibbled.

>From mere trivialities such as for the sake of being courteous, things 
developed into complicated issues. In a restricted community of NU, there are 
even appaling rumors that Ratih was working for the interest of Australia. 
However, daily Jawa Post wrote that Ratih was suspended from her assignment. 
Gus Dur was said to have suspected that Ratih was spying on the activities of 
the president and other important Indonesian figures.

As far as the Presidential Secretariat is concerned, this is further handled 
by Marsilam Simanjuntak, Bondan Gunawan, and assisted by five informal 
secretaries, namely Lisa Qotrunnada and Yenni Zanuba Arifah ­ both 
president’s daughters - Irman, Minif, and Arifin Junaedi. The last mentioned 
name who is also head of palace general bureau and administration has 
resigned for the reason he wanted to concentrate more as member of the House 
of Representatives.

A GATRA source closed to Gus Dur did admit with regard to the temporary 
suspension of Ratih. "She was informed of this, before the recent president’s 
trip. It was orally given, not in writing," the source said.

The problem is whether the decision to suspend was made because Gus Dur 
suspected Ratih as reported by Jawa Post or for other reasons, the source was 
uncertain. "Clearly Gus Dur is very much aware of the complaint made by the 
NU community regarding Ratih," the source added.

Unfortunately, no confirmation yet from Ratih Hardjono regarding the issue of 
the suspension. She refused to comment. However, with regard to the 
allegation that she was working as a foreign agent, Ratih strongly denied and 
said that it was a ridiculous accusation. "Proof that I am a spy. Don’t 
invent such story," she was quoted by daily Media Indonesia as saying.

And somehow, a colleague of Ratih commented, the figure such as Ratih could 
be easily misunderstood. "She just came out of nowhere," the colleague said. 
However, the colleague can’t really understand of the accusation of her being 
a foreign agent. "I can’t really see that possibility," said the source who 
demanded anonymity. What about her treatment against Gus Dur’s old 
acquaintances? "She certainly needs to adjust. It is not an easy thing to 
determine the scale of priority to arrange the president’s schedules. All 
seems important," the colleague said.

In addition to being accused as a foreign agent, Ratih also faced other 
charges: as the cause of many disharmonies within the State Secretariat 
(Sekneg). This accusation can’t be taken lightly as big politician like 
Chairman of the House of Representatives Akbar Tandjung also commented.

The Chairman of Golkar Party who is also a former Minister/State Secretary 
(Mensesneg) said that the resignation of Ali Rahman as State Secretary can’t 
be avoided. It was because the working atmosphere was no longer healthy. 
"Particularly with Ratih Hardjono," said Akbar, who conceded to have directly 
heard the information from Setneg staff, including from Ali Rahman himself.

However, both Ali Rahman and Ratih Hardjono admitted they still maintained 
good relationship. "There’s nothing wrong between Pak Ali Rahman and myself. 
What actually Akbar Tandjung is up to making such comment?" Ratih queried.

However, an executive at the State Secretary acknowledged Akbar’s allegation. 
Ali Rahman, said the executive, is annoyed because some of his duty was cut 
by Ratih. For example, the Governmental Decree No. 6 of 1999. The decree 
stipulates to give authority to the State Minister for Investment and 
Empowerment of the State Enterprises, Laksamana Sukardi, to manage the 
government-run banks and non-banking state enterprises.

The governmental decree was not to exist for longer than five days. Finance 
Minister Bambang Sudibyo got mad with the publication of the decree. He felt 
that he was being bypassed, and demanded that the authority should rest with 
the Minister of Finance. Gus Dur then amended by issuing a new decree, 
No.98/1999. The financial management of state enterprises and insurance is 
returned to the Minister of Finance. According to the report, Ratih has 
played her role in the publication of the decree. "I have no idea who 
prepared the decree," said Ali Rahman.

It seems that the commotion at the Setneg will not likely to end soon. For a 
time being, however, the debate arena will shift over to the People’s 
Consultative Assembly/House of Representatives (MPR/DPR) Building, Senayan. 
Commission I of DPR on this Thursday will summon the five presidential 
secretaries, namely State Secretary Ali Rahman, Cabinet Secretary Marsilam 
Simanjuntak, Presidential Secretary Ratih Hardjono, Government Control 
Secretary Bondan Gunawan, and Military Secretary Rear Aaair Marshal Budhy 
Santoso.

"This is not a matter particularly relating to Ratih. We demand all 
secretaries to elaborate each of their assignment," said Slamet Effendi 
Yusuf, a son of NU Kiai currently a member of Commission I representing 
Golkar Party. According to Aisyah Amini, Slamet colleague at Commission I, 
that although it was not in the agenda, it is possible that the issue of 
"prompters" might be developed during the hearing.

More recently, this Presidential Secretariat is under limelight. Their 
coordination is considered as very poor. Some of them are allegedly to have 
regularly run their whispering campaign to the President. Unfortunately, the 
whispered remarks are not always accurate. The aftermath, statements from the 
president more often than not surprised many people, and provoked protests. 
Such as the alleged covert meeting at Jalan Lautze.

Chairman of NU, Said Agiel Siradj asserted that the people who whispered at 
Gus Dur are the regular officials around the president. "Surely Gus Dur 
merely responding to the incoming reports. It must be the people around him 
that must be sterilized," he said. He warned that those who whispered must be 
honest. "Should be dedicated," Said added. He refused to mention name.

People then start connecting the people like Bondan Gunawan, Marsilam 
Simanjuntak, and Ratih Hardjono who are close with Gus Dur with their formal 
position. Is this ture? "That’s what people say. I have never whispered. 
Whenever I talk with Gus Dur I even shout," said Bondan Gunawan.

In addition to these alleged whispering campaign, the resignation of Ali 
Rahman will probably incite heated debate at the DPR. Is it true that the 
reason of his resignation was because of Ratih Hardjono? Ali Rahman told 
GATRA that he has sent a letter to Gus Dur. The content, however, was not 
about his resignation but a report that his task to prepare the secretariat 
vision as desired by Gus Dur is already completed. Ali Rahman said he has no 
intention of leaving Gus Dur. "As I have said before, I am even willing to 
polish his shoes," he said.

Gus Dur interpreted this differently. He thought that Ali Rahman is preparing 
to resign. This could be seen that when in Davos, Swiss, two weeks ago, Gus 
Dur told journalists that Ali Rahman has resigned. It was reported that to 
fill this post, Gus Dur has already prepared a substitute. His choice would 
be between the State Minister for Enforcement of Women, Khofifah Indar 
Parawangsa and Rachman Tolleng, a former ’66 activist.

Political observer Fachry Ali said that Gus Dur has brought a new tradition 
to the State Secretariat. Fachry said that Gus Dur rejected the idea of 
making Mensesneg as an acting prime minister. As a substitute, the president 
has institutionalized the emotional colleague relationship of his close 
friends. "Consequently, the selection of important people at Bina Graha fell 
into the hands of his friends," he said.

Hidayat Tantan, Dipo Handoko, Asrori S. Karni, and Rachmat Hidayat

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TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign
111 Northwood Road, Thornton Heath,
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Phone: 0181 771-2904   Fax: 0181 653-0322
email: tapol@gn.apc.org
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Campaigning to expose human rights violations in
Indonesia, East Timor, West Papua and Aceh

26 years - and still going strong 
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